The content of the policy paper can be found here.

“EU4LabourRights: Increasing Civic Voice and Action for Labour Rights and Social Protection in Armenia:” Project is implemented by OxYGen Foundation, Socioscope NGO, “Asparez” Journalists’ Club NGO, Armenian Progressive Youth NGO, Media Diversity Institute – Armenia in cooperation with Protection of Rights without Borders NGO, and Eurasia Partnership Foundation. The Project is funded by the European Union. This policy paper was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Socioscope NGO, and do not necessarily reflec the views of the European Union.

The post Policy Paper on Improving Poverty Alleviation, Employment, and Protection of Labor Rights appeared first on Socioscope.

The issue of in-work poverty is widespread and has been the focus of researchers for quite some years now. Researchers in the USA use the term “the working poor,” while “in-work poverty” is a more prevalent term in Europe.^[2] A working poor is the person who works, yet is poor. ^[3]

The idea that the working poor are mainly engaged in the “liberal” economies and in-work poverty is a result of a lack of well-organized laborforce and respective regulations, is contested. However, because the phenomenon of the working poor is widespread all over the world, including in developed and rich countries, ^[4] it follows that in-work poverty is a global issue. Many European states do acknowledge that this is a problem and are taking action to address it. One way of addressing it is setting a reasonable minimum wage threshold that allows the wage-earners to meet their and their family members’ basic needs and to withstand social and economic shocks.^[5]

It is, of course, quite a milestone that in-work poverty is already acknowledged by many governments, which are trying to tackle it, however, the limited understanding of the nature of the phenomenon is a looming issue. There is, for example, an understanding that poverty can be reduced if wages are increased or if inadequate wages are adjusted. While these statements are partly true, they are misguiding at the same time, because the wages are not the only indicative of poverty.^[6] Here is an example: a family member that is earning a decent wage can become a working poor if this person is the only wage-earner in the family and has dependent children. According to the ILO, having a job does not protect households from the risk of poverty.^[7] Moreover, according to the data of that same organization, two-thirds of the wage-earners in developing countries live in extreme or medium-level poverty.^[8] According to data from 2018, 8% of people who work, live in extreme poverty, while the correlation between having a job and poverty reduction is not direct and is still contestable.^[9] The labor market of postmodern societies is characterized by unequal wages, and huge gaps between the lowest and highest wages, therefore for those people whose earnings are equal or close to the minimum wage, having a job does not yet mean not being poor.^[10] 

The phenomenon of “the working poor,” “the wage-earning poor” or “in-work poverty” has not been researched at length in Armenia and the existing studies and statistics are quite limited. This article is part of a larger research^[11], and is an attempt, inter alia, to briefly touch upon the public perceptions collected in two regions of Armenia – Gegharkunik and Shirak – on the notions of employment and poverty, the working poor and in-work poverty.

In its “Poverty Reduction Strategy Program”^[12], the Armenian government states that the main reason for poverty is unemployment, yet it also notes that more than 1/5 of the employed population is extremely poor, while 45-47% of the employed population is simply poor.^[13] Governments and researchers all around the world, including the Armenian government, see job creation as an important precondition for reducing poverty and its extreme form. They see participation in the labor market as the most important factor impacting poverty. It is especially with the lack of a job that the likelihood of falling into poverty or extreme poverty increases. For the Armenian government, implementation of an employment strategy is the milestone with which extreme poverty can be reduced, “because it is through a job, not through constant social support, that a person gets a vision.“^[14] Some of our research participants share the idea that “a working man cannot be poor.”

“A working man can never be poor. A working man is always rich by the soul too.”

Woman aged 30-44, Artik, Shirak Region

Findings from various studies show, however, that employment in certain sectors increases the likelihood of being poor as a worker in that particular sector. Researchers are distinguishing the cohorts which are most likely to be both employed and poor, those being low-skilled or unskilled workers, who work in low-paid jobs without employment contracts or with standard contracts; self-employed people (solo dependent self-employed) and flexibly employed workers (such as temporary agency workers etc); involuntary part-time workers; casual workers, those whose job comes informal platforms, such as phone apps or from places where temporary workers are sought(the so-called “faylabazar” in Armenia, for example).^[15]

Our respondents also emphasize that holding a job and having stable employment does not always help overcome poverty and the reasons why people may work and still be poor, according to them, include the following factors.

• Low wages, the low threshold of the minimal wage,
• Unequal development of regions,  
• Having underage members in the household,
• Families with many children,
• Having a family member with a disability,
• Being an informal worker,
• Doing agriculture,
• Financial illiteracy,
• Substance use dependence, gambling, etc.

Research participants first and foremost emphasize the fact that wages are very low in Armenia, and having a job with a low wage does not pull a person out of poverty.

“You go with two higher education diplomas and are still offered 80.000 drams of wages.”

Woman aged 30-44, Chambarak, Ghegharkunik Region

“This person is working, the wages are low, is the only earner in the household and it’s not enough. Or, there are three underage children in the family.”

Woman aged 30-44, Artik, Shirak Region

Can the minimum wage really reduce poverty? One may jump to the quick answer of “yes,” as the main goal of setting a minimum wage is to protect the rights of wage earners and their family members. However, the efficacy of the minimum wage in diminishing poverty levels is increasingly being questioned. Various researchers argue that for substantial poverty reduction and the enhanced protection of citizens, states should prioritize directing resources and efforts toward those in poverty and extreme poverty. This includes safeguarding the rights of those working in the informal economy, where the minimum wage doesn’t effectively support the poor and extremely poor. Notably, the minimum wage predominantly applies to formal workers who, albeit minimally, already benefit from some level of protection.^[16]

In the meanwhile, collective contracts and collective bargaining around wages, specifically around the minimum wage, could have a significant impact on the fight against poverty. Findings from various studies show that there is no supportive evidence that setting a minimum wage creates opportunities for fighting against extreme poverty, however, at the same time it is noteworthy that it has a significant role in the fight against poverty in general. Setting a minimum wage has contributed to some reduction of poverty in certain countries and has somewhat made a positive impact on groups of workers in the formal sector of the economy.^[17]

Interestingly, our research participants, those particularly in rural communities, attach a big importance to a “public job” (state job) which they believe is a safeguard for a stable income, stability and has the capacity to save people from poverty. By saying a “public job” they mean any job in the formal economy regardless of the sector and even at the minimum wage level which, however, is stable. For example, working as a shop attendant and being a formally registered worker are viewed as holding a public job.

“My neighbor’s daughter graduated 4 years ago, it is only now that she has been offered to work at a kiosk in Gavar town, a state job.”

Woman aged 30-44, Noratus, Gehgarkunik Region

Being self-employed, and doing some sort of economic activity that earns profits is not considered a job, the research participants do not consider it to be employment.

In this context, diversification of the community economy is emphasized so that a workplace is not limited to a shop or some private business.

“We need factories. All over Artik, we only have shops that pay 50.000 drams. How are people supposed to survive? There are no jobs. Schools and kindergartens and such are too few to offer jobs to all.”

Woman aged 30-44, Artik, Shirak Region

A family’s vulnerability to poverty increases with underage family members, especially when the number of children is big. Research participants believe that when only one adult works in households with many children, then it is already a bearing ground for poverty.

According to respondents, another contributing factor to poverty is the reliance on agriculture as the primary source of income. They argue that despite the considerable efforts invested in growing crops, the prices for these agricultural products are disproportionately low. On one hand, they highlight that farming crops and raising animals can play a significant role in poverty reduction, especially within rural communities, as these activities meet subsistence needs. However, on the other hand, they note that while these agricultural activities are crucial, they alone are insufficient for breaking the cycle of poverty. Rural participants in the research stress that plant and animal farming provide sustenance for the immediate day-to-day needs, “food for the day”. These activities are seasonal, leading to better circumstances during summer months compared to the harsher realities of winter. Increased utility costs during winter exacerbate vulnerabilities, with electricity and gas becoming particularly unaffordable for many, further impacting their economic stability.

Agriculture also contributes to the reproduction of poverty among the elderly. Agriculture does not accrue pensionable working experience based on which pension is calculated later on in life.

“There is one more thing: now people are getting pension based on the years they worked during the “kolkhoz” period. If this generation is no longer alive, where are the current people without jobs going to get their pensions from? What are we supposed to do? We have no job. Back in the days, we were working in the fields, this counted as pensionable working experience. Now the peasant is working in the fields, but this job is not pensionable. All their lives, peasants are toiling in the fields and yet not accruing any pension.”

Man aged 30-40, Marmashen, Shirak Region

For employment to meaningfully lift people out of poverty, it must be of good quality Decent jobs—those with fair working hours (without excessive overtime), reasonable wages, safe work environments, and social protection—are crucial for sustainable development and poverty eradication. A robust and effective policy regulating labor markets and employment is essential to solidify the positive relationship between employment and poverty reduction, encouraging investments in this realm. Special attention should be paid to youth employment, given that poverty rates are consistently higher among young people worldwide across all regions. Moreover, there’s a heightened probability that employed youth might still experience poverty. We want to emphasize the gaps that exist in jobs employing young laborforce and these gaps pertain to both the nature of jobs, their quality and the wages, all of which should be in the focus of policy developers. The duress of the youth in the labor market can have a long-term negative impact on them, as well as on the communities and the state, as in the long run, it may generate various social issues. ^[18]  

The persistent in-work poverty rings the alarm that the labor market is not fully using its potential. In-work poverty is already a reality and it should force the policy-makers and decision-makers to adopt such strategies that promote decent work and quality employment for all. We propose:

• To improve the policies developed and implemented in employment, poverty, and affiliated areas with a focus on tackling the issue of the working poor.

The phenomenon of in-work poverty is quite complex, therefore approaches to tackle it must be comprehensive too. At the core of these policies should be extensive research identifying the most vulnerable areas of employment from the perspective of poverty, the cohorts of workers most vulnerable to poverty, and the gendered, age, regional, and other characteristics of in-work poverty.  

• To improve assessment of in-work poverty.

In order to address the issue in a more targeted and effective manner, it is necessary to develop adequate research tools that will serve to improving comprehension and measurement of non-standard employment, especially of unstable employment and the so-called “new forms of employment”, to extensively analyze the information received and to create research-based policies.  

• To ensure continuous education and training, based on needs and opportunities for workers, the working poor.
• To improve the social protection of the vulnerable workers and to make social assistance programs more targeted. 
• To incorporate the issue of poverty or in-work poverty in discussions on labor, employment, poverty, and social protection as a cross-cutting issue and to organize public hearings around them.

Translated by Anna Shahnazaryan

^[1] Lohmann, H․ & Marx, I. (2018). Handbook on In-Work Poverty. Retrieved from https://www.elgaronline.com/edcollbook/edcoll/9781784715625/9781784715625.xml

^[2] Ibid.

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Hick, R., Marx, I. (2022). Poor Workers in Rich Democracies: On the Nature of In-Work Poverty and Its Relationship to Labour Market Policies. Retrieved from https://docs.iza.org/dp15163.pdf

^[5] Ibid.

^[6] Although it is also correct that the wage is one of the main indicators of poverty.

^[7] Sahakyan, M., Karapetyan, L. (2021). The Phenomenon of the Working Poor in Armenia. Work and Social Justice, Yerevan (in Armenian). Retrieved from https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/georgien/17944-20210722.pdf

^[8] ILO․ (2017)․ World Employment Social Outlook: trends 2017,  Retrieved from https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—dcomm/—publ/documents/publication/wcms_541211.pdf

^[9] ILO․ (2019)․ The working poor or how a job is no guarantee of decent living conditions. Retrieved from: https://ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—stat/documents/publication/wcms_696387.pdf

^[10] Banoli, G. (2007). “Time Matters: Postindustrialization, New Social Risks and Welfare State Adaptation in Advanced Industrial Democracies,” Comparative Political Studies 40 (5): 495-520.

^[11] Research in progress by “Socioscope” NGO. The focus group phase of the research was completed in August 2023 with 40 representatives from a cohort aged between 30 and 44.

^[12] Adopted in 2003.

^[13] Sahakyan, M., Karapetyan, L. (2021). The Phenomenon of the Working Poor in Armenia. Work and Social Justice, Yerevan (in Armenian). Retrieved from https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/georgien/17944-20210722.pdf

^[14] Aravot Daily․ (2023). “There Shall be No Extremely Poor Person by 2026 in Armenia: Narek Mkrtchyan” (in Armenian). Retrieved from: https://www.aravot.am/2023/03/20/1329943/

^[15] An Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Project․ (2023). Main Findings and Policy Proposals. Retreived from: https://workingyetpoor.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Main-findings-and-policy-proposals_brochure.pdf

^[16] Saget, C. Minimum wage – does it cut poverty?  Retrieved from: https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/gurn/00118.pdf

^[17] Ibid.

^[18] ILO․ (2019)․ The working poor or how a job is no guarantee of decent living conditions. Retrieved from: https://ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—stat/documents/publication/wcms_696387.pdf

References

1. Sahakyan, M., Karapetyan, L. (2021). The Phenomenon of the Working Poor in Armenia. Work and Social Justice, Yerevan (in Armenian). Retrieved from https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/georgien/17944-20210722.pdf
2. An Horizon 2020. Research and Innovation Project. (2023). Main Findings and Policy Proposals. Retrieved from: https://workingyetpoor.eu/wpcontent/uploads/2023/02/Main-findings-and-policy-proposals_brochure.pdf
3. Banoli, G. (2007). Time Matters: Postindustrialization, New Social Risks and Welfare State Adaptation in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Comparative Political Studies 40 (5): 495-520
4. Hick, R., Marx, I. (2022). Poor Workers in Rich Democracies: On the Nature of In-Work Poverty and Its Relationship to Labour Market Policies. Retrieved from: https://docs.iza.org/dp15163.pdf
5. ILO․ (2019)․ The working poor or how a job is no guarantee of decent living conditions. Retrieved from: https://ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—stat/documents/publication/wcms_696387.pdf
6. ILO․ (2017)․ World Employment Social Outlook: trends 2017,  Retrieved from: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—dcomm/—publ/documents/publication/wcms_541211.pdf
7. Lohmann,H․ & Marx, I. (2018). Handbook on In-Work Poverty. Retrieved from https://www.elgaronline.com/edcollbook/edcoll/9781784715625/9781784715625.xml
8. Saget, C. Minimum wage – does it cut poverty? Retrieved from: https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/gurn/00118.pdf

“EU4LabourRights: Increasing Civic Voice and Action for Labour Rights and Social Protection in Armenia:” Project is implemented by OxYGen Foundation, Socioscope NGO, “Asparez” Journalists’ Club NGO, Armenian Progressive Youth NGO, Media Diversity Institute – Armenia in cooperation with Protection of Rights without Borders NGO, and Eurasia Partnership Foundation. The Project is funded by the European Union.This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Socioscope NGO, and do not necessarily reflec the views of the European Union.

The post In-Work Poverty in Armenia: Case Studies from Gegharkunik and Shirak appeared first on Socioscope.

The recognition of the importance of labor law, cultural peculiarities, the work on all this, and all these issues have been aggravated by the Coronavirus pandemic.

In May 2020, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights published a report on the impact of the Coronavirus pandemic on women’s rights according to which women are particularly vulnerable in a state of instability, and these vulnerabilities emerged and were exacerbated specifically within the context of the pandemic. In many countries, women are more engaged in low-wage and informal labor sectors which means unregistered employment, no access to vacation, paid sick leave, and health insurance, and in general, lack of social security is more likely for women. Therefore, having sufficient means of livelihood is at risk for women, and the loss of income affects the welfare of their families especially when they are the sole income earners in the family (HCAV, 2020).

According to RA Statistical Committee data of 2020,  41% of women and 56% of men were employed in the labor market, 4 out of 10 women, and 6 out of 10 men of working age had a job.

In 2020, 51% of women aged 15-74 did not have a job and did not seek one, being mainly engaged in household affairs (RA Statistical Committee, 2021). Both women and men are mostly wage workers. Among employers and self-employed, the share of men prevails, while among unpaid workers, women outnumber men twice (RA Statistical Committee, 2021).

According to the “Monitoring Impacts of Covid-19 in Armenia” report (World Bank, 2021), unregistered workers lost their jobs the most, and the share of women among them was statistically higher. According to the data of this study, before the outbreak of the pandemic, 13.3% of respondents had registered employment, but 25.6% were employed without formal registration, without a labor contract. Moreover, the share of unregistered workers among employed men was 56.3%, and 69.06% among women. Due to the pandemic, 17.3% of men and 19.1% of women lost their jobs (World Bank, 2021). In other words, while the engagement of women in the labor sector was already low, women’s loss of jobs due to the pandemic significantly affected women’s employment and labor rights.

The International Labor Organization, analyzing the available statistical data and documents in Armenia, estimated how the pandemic would affect both the economy and health in its “Armenia COVID-19 – Labor Market Rapid Assessment” (ILO, 2020) study. By combining these data with the information collected in the framework of the research on the “Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on Women’s Labor Rights” carried out by the Socioscope NGO (Khalatyan M., Margaryan N., 2022)[1], we have come to the conclusion that these sectors mostly affected by the Coronavirus pandemic are the: manufacturing industry, construction, trade, hotel industry, public catering and procurement, culture, entertainment, tourism, and other services. Furthermore, the significantly affected sectors of construction, manufacturing industry, and trade have a significant share in the economy in terms of GDP. It is noteworthy that the engagement of women in the affected trade, hotel industry, public catering and procurement, culture and entertainment industries, and other services is quite high. While the total employment of women in the labor market is 45.5%, their engagement in these affected sectors (for example, hotel and public catering, culture and entertainment, other services, etc.) reaches up to 50%.

According to recent publications by the International Labor Organization, women have experienced a disproportionate loss of jobs and income as a result of the pandemic due to their high representation in the most affected sectors, and in some affected sectors, they continue to work as a primary link, maintaining care systems, and often doing unpaid domestic work. At the global level, 4.2% of women’s jobs were closed during the pandemic, compared to a 3% loss for men, amounting to 54 million jobs for women and 60 million jobs for men (ILO, 2021). However, while in 2021 as compared to 2019, men’s jobs were almost completely restored (59 million), 41 million jobs were restored for women. In other words, according to 2021 data, there are 13 million fewer employed women in the labor market than in 2019 (ILO, 2021).

In view of this, the article addresses the questions as to what labor rights-related issues women faced in their workplace, especially in the sectors of the economy considered affected, how they resolved them, how their rights and safety were protected since the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic in Armenia and in the conditions of the declared state of emergency.

Women’s Experience

Our interviews and discussions with women allow us to conclude that they often find it difficult to define and interpret labor rights based on their own example, and even more so, they do not speak up about violations of labor rights or interpret what happened to them as a violation of rights. Women mainly single out the following issues related to labor rights caused by the Coronavirus pandemic:

• significant changes in working conditions,
• non-payment or partial payment of salaries wages by the employer,
• non-provision or incomplete provision of occupational health and safety for the employees,
• change of job, change of field of occupation, incompletely paid vacations.

Given the Coronavirus pandemic, the method of remote work was introduced in the initial stage of severe restrictions in various sectors of the economy which had issues of their own. Among these, women single out the additional workload, and changes in work schedule. Due to the pandemic, women’s work in various fields increased without additional pay, and in some cases, the pay was reduced altogether.

The first 3-4 months were no different in terms of the usual workload and complexity, but after the first month, our salaries were reduced by 50%. From April to mid-June, the 10:00-18:00 schedule was maintained. Some works, e.g. e-marketing, SMM, the workload of which was even doubled here… It was not acknowledged that you do your work in the same way. That halved salary was maintained until September 2021.

 

A woman working in the field of culture

The workload in the service sector during the Coronavirus pandemic was due to colleagues getting sick and replacing each other, in general, due to the shortage of human resources. As a result, the workers in the service sector were deprived of the previously established free non-working days and vacations during the Coronavirus pandemic.

We neither had any day off nor a chance to go on vacation those days- from the end of February to the beginning of September. We didn’t even stay at home. And under normal conditions, we stayed at home one day a week and we went on vacation whenever we wanted. The employer said that they had no right to hire a new employee and that they needed us a lot, so they couldn’t give us even one day off.

 

A woman working in the catering industry

We worked during the Covid period as well, but not with the same personnel. Those who got sick did not come to work, and we took over their work. We mainly worked in the online section, no one came to the store. It was busier than if people attended and I worked as a cashier. People ordered products, you selected and didn’t know if they would like it or not which caused additional issues.

 

A woman working in the catering industry

Service sector employees who were deprived of days off and vacations due to additional workload often did not even have the opportunity to use their due break hours during the day. Although these issues disturbed women, they did not become a basis for taking steps to protect their own rights as for the most part, women did not know their labor rights, and they often justified being exposed to such abuses by employers by loving their job. In the interviews with women, we notice that sometimes they became aware of the violations of their labor rights, formulating them as a violation of labor rights, but this awareness did not evolve into the act of speaking up about them or seeking protection in other instances. In addition to remote work, the remote organization of public education created additional obstacles for women, mothers, and especially single mothers, some of which were related to financial issues. The need for uninterrupted access to the Internet for organizing work and children’s schooling and paying for it put women living in poor social conditions in an even worse situation.

The payment for the Internet alone when, to put it bluntly, you deny yourself some things, you don’t buy or give something to the child, to arrange it, to pay for it on time so that the child does not fall behind in the lessons. It is already difficult, they conduct the lessons on Zoom, one can be heard, while another can’t, one has the Internet, while another doesn’t, I don’t know, we are a little weak in this aspect.

 

A woman working in the catering industry

Under the conditions of the Coronavirus pandemic and especially during the declared state of emergency, working conditions underwent significant changes. Under these changed conditions, women are speaking out about the issue of getting to the workplace because, at the initial stage of the restrictions, the operation of public transport was also suspended which caused women significant inconveniences and financial issues.

We worked during Covid, but there was no transport, so we walked home or took taxis. Although the employers should pay for the taxi, they paid once in a while. In any case, you can’t afford not working: you support a family, you support a child… You spent half of your earnings on the commute, but somehow you went to work.

 

A woman working in the catering industry

The women who participated in the research study also have work experience in the sectors the activities of which were suspended at the initial stage of the pandemic. The pandemic changed the sales process in the trade sector, and some employers delayed salaries or created problems in paying them leading women to leave their jobs. Even registered and contracted women faced such challenges without receiving a salary or any compensation from the employer.

We did not work from March to May, and I worked until the beginning of July. We still received the same salary, but they paid with difficulty as the sales had dropped, the turnover was not the same as before, and that’s why I left.

 

A woman working in a clothing store

I changed my job anyways, but they kept me employed for part-time. They transferred 9000 AMD to me every month: I don’t know why my part-time salary was that much.

 

A woman working in the tourism sector

In these cases, the lump sum support programs provided by the state were a temporary solution for women. Women’s experiences and living conditions varied, and even in the face of restrictions, the financial issues of temporarily not working were not extreme if there were other workers in the families. However, in some cases, women were single mothers or sole workers in the family.

…We adapted, my children worked, my husband worked… There was probably one worker in each of our houses, and we managed with that work, because there were such organizations that did not call their employees to work, but they said: stay at home, we will call you when necessary, but those people received a salary.

 

A woman working in a textile factory

In view of the Coronavirus pandemic, employers were obliged to ensure occupational health and safety for employees. In the setting of general anxiety and uncertainty, as well as the state of emergency declared on March 16 which limited the activity of various sectors of the economy (ARLIS, 2020), women working in textile factories continued to work and finish the work at the instigation of the employer.

For the sake of our safety, the employer could have introduced those restrictions in time, but since we had an order, that order had to be delivered, they couldn’t send us home in time, so we worked for a few days to be able to deliver our order, and then we went home.

 

A woman working in a textile factory

Women working in the service sector interpret the willingness to ensure the safety of employees as something arising from the interests of the employer, not a matter of caring for employees and protecting their rights and safety.

Special barriers were put up for safety so that there was little contact with people, gloves, masks, and alcogel were provided to protect the employees as much as possible, since the profit came from them.

 

A woman working in the catering industry

In general terms, women qualified the safety measures taken by their employers during the pandemic mainly positively and stated that everything was done in accordance with the law and the commandant’s office.

When Covid started, alcogels were provided for us, but after a couple of weeks, we closed altogether. Then, when we reopened, there were gloves, alcogel, disinfection every 5 minutes, mask change every 2 hours, and at the end of the day, more thorough disinfection than before. When the number of infected people decreased, we did not wear gloves. Then, during the war, people became indifferent. We wore masks, but the customers did not. We comply with their laws. Whatever they tell the employer, the employer tells us and demands from us.

 

A woman working in a cafe

Our director pays close attention to us. Neither the employee nor the customer is allowed without a mask. The director mainly focuses on cleanliness and requires disinfection of handles, etc. There has never been such a case of someone saying that they got infected by us.

 

A woman working in a beauty salon

However, there is no lack of cases when women had to provide preventive measures for their own safety.

Generally, we provided ourselves with personal protective equipment at our own expense. The employer provided two disposable masks every few days. So we had to wear reusable masks. We also provided ourselves with other accessories because the ones they provided were of very poor quality, and we did not use them.

 

A woman working in the clothing store

As told by women, safety measures were more strictly observed in the initial stage of the pandemic. Some of the women participating in the research study had already changed their jobs at the time of the study and were making retrospective qualifications, and the adherence to measures against the pandemic in the current workplace and at the given stage of the pandemic was already inconsistent and not strict.

In the beginning, we were all compulsorily given gloves and masks every day, now people are a little more free as if after this war the fear of Covid has passed, and we don’t wear such things anymore.

 

A woman working in an  agency under the municipality

Among the sectors that overall stopped operating, women working in the service sector, especially in beauty salons, tourism, and other affected sectors, lost their jobs or had to change their sector of activity due to the pandemic in order to achieve socioeconomic stability. This was a difficult change and decision for women, especially given that women had made great mental, financial, and time investments and efforts at different stages of their lives in order to get the already lost job.

I’m not very happy [with the new job]. I would like to do my work in the salon but now some people are afraid to leave the house because the cases have increased. Now it is still difficult to obtain many [customers]. You see, the roads are closed, tourists don’t come, all these things are interlinked …When I lost my customers, I didn’t make money anymore, and it became more difficult. I stayed at home for two months, then I went to work. During that period I had one or two customers, then they also disappeared: one got sick, and the other didn’t come for another reason. In any case, the pandemic affected me badly.

 

A woman working in a beauty salon

[Tourism] itself is very, very good, it’s very fun, it’s a great sector, you see everything… It’s very good to work, I love it, but now I wouldn’t dare go back, because, besides the fact that it’s 24/7 and you don’t get paid for it, you have to love the job, that’s it. Now I don’t dare…

 

A woman working in the tourism sector

In the case of changing jobs, women did not receive vacation payments commensurate with their experience and working conditions from their employers, which they voiced in some cases, but did not receive a satisfactory answer, and in some cases, they found their own assumption and explanation.

If you don’t use the vacation allotted to you, 20 days in a year, you get it in the form of a final settlement at the end because you don’t go or you have some work, you can’t go. In the case of our organization, they forced you to use your vacation until the end of the year. If you didn’t use your vacation, you didn’t go, which was your business (you may go or not go on vacation), you received your vacation payment at the end of the year, which I don’t know how it was calculated, I really don’t understand that vacation payment should be about 80 percent of your salary, right? Corresponding to 80-90 percent of your salary. We used to get 40-50 percent vacation payment. When asked why, he said: “Well, in the year of Covid, you didn’t work full-time, you were registered half-time, so the first 6 months are not counted…” He used to tell such tales.

 

A woman working in the tourism sector

I was paid for my half-time during the time I was infected with the Coronavirus, I was not notified that a vacation was formulated, but my final settlement was a very small amount, despite the fact that I had one week of unused vacation every year. That’s why I assume that a vacation was formulated in that period. I was sick of all that and I didn’t demand any papers to know what happened.

 

A woman working in the field of culture

Women rarely spoke up about employers’ violations and abuses, trying to “get into their shoes,” find excuses for their actions, and sometimes their inaction. And in those cases when women clearly realized that their labor rights were violated, they, first of all, tried to negotiate with the employer with the prospect of resolving the problem which was not always effective. The women found the possibility of appealing to other bodies pointless, justifying it with the facts of being familiar with the character of the employer and not wanting to get into additional trouble. As an alternative, women chose to voluntarily quit their jobs or change their work schedules. There were cases when women’s job during the pandemic was their first experience, and employers, taking advantage of the opportunity, violated their labor rights. Although women were not familiar with their rights, they realized that the treatment they received at the workplace was unfair.

I went through a trial period in June and started working in July, but the contract was signed in November. It was my first job, I didn’t pay that much attention. The accountant asked for some documents, which were in the village, and said: it’s okay, bring them later. I did not understand that there was the issue of taxes, tenure, and other such issues. During Covid, they said that the contracts would be revised in connection with part-time work, but they never sent it, and I don’t know if a new one was prepared and I didn’t sign it, or if it wasn’t drafted at all.

 

A woman working in the field of culture

Thus, due to the Coronavirus pandemic, women faced many issues in their work practice related to the violation of their rights to one degree or another, but they did not always have sufficient capacity, and sometimes the desire and intention to resolve these issues.

It seems that the world has somewhat managed to overcome the Coronavirus pandemic and its consequences. However, highlighting the gaps caused by the pandemic in the field of labor rights, addressing them, and raising the issue of insuring people against such crisis situations and finding solutions remain relevant to this day.

Authors: Mariam Khalatyan

Nvard Margaryan

[1] The research study was conducted in three stages. A qualitative methodology was used for gathering the research information. In the first stage, we mapped the socio-economic support programs provided by the state, international organizations, and local civil society organizations, legislative changes, and bills, research studies, media publications, etc., and conducted secondary analysis. In the second stage, we conducted 10 expert interviews with the representatives of the RA Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, the National Assembly, the Health and Labor Inspection Body, the Human Rights Defender, the Confederation of Trade Unions, NGOs, and international organizations. We conducted triad group discussions and individual in-depth interviews with 12 women, that have been engaged in the  most affected areas of labor market identified by the experts.

Լist of references

1. Khalatyan M., Margaryan N․ (2022). The Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on the Situation of Women’s Labor Rights in Armenia (A. Manusyan, Ed.),
2. HCAV․ (2020). Guideline on Covid 19 and Women’s Rights. Retrieved from: https://bit.ly/3FEBvSA
3. RA Statistical Committee. (2009). Measuring Poverty in Armenia. Methodological Clarifications. Retrieved from: https://armstat.am/file/article/poverty_2009_6.pdf
4. RA Statistical Committee. (2021). Social Snapshot and Poverty in Armenia. Retrieved from: https://armstat.am/am/?nid=81&id=2438
5. RA Statistical Committee. (2021)․ Socio-economic Situation in the Republic of Armenia. Retrieved from: https://armstat.am/file/article/sv_12_20a_142.pdf
6. RA Statistical Committee. (2021)․ Women and Men in Armenia. Retrieved from: https://www.armstat.am/file/article/gender_2021.pdf
7. (2020)․Decision of the Commandant N 27 on the Restrictions Imposed Throughout the Territory of the Republic of Armenia in Connection to the Legal regime of the State of Emergency. Retrieved from: https://www.arlis.am/DocumentView.aspx?docid=141040
8. ILO․ (2020)․ Rapid Assessment of the Employment Impact and Policy Responses of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Armenia. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3vMsqDU
9. ILO․ (2021)․ Policy Brief. Building Forward Fairer: Women’s Rights to Work and at Work at the Core of the COVID-19 Recovery. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3vZ4ugF
10. World Bank․ (2021)․ Monitoring Impacts of Covid-19 in Armenia (Armenia High-frequency survey wave -1 (AHFS-1): July-September 2020.

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